1.1.The Philosophy of Apiepasaihna
The
most significant element of Mara culture maintained was, however the
comprehensive Mara philosophy of life called ‘apiepasaina hro’. Apiepasaina
hro literally means ‘self-denial for the cause of community and individuals
who were in need’. Since apiepasaina hro was regarded as the highest
quality of life, everyone tried very hard to get the title apiepasai,
which no one officially granted but was conferred by the conventional judgement
of the villagers. The certificate was nothing but a cup of rice-beer called “apiepasai
No” offered on the occasion of social drinking as recognition of the
contributions and sacrifices one had made for others. A cup of rice-beer did
not matter much, but the recognition of one as apiepasai was extremely
difficult to attain and was highly regarded in the Mara society.
Apiepasaina
hro implies
a context of independence and self-sufficiency. The Maras in the pre-literature
era hardly attempted to conceptualize or philosophize the term since they
tended to understand all socio-religious values in concrete terms and rarely
articulated apiepasaina hro as a theory.
It
was this principle which compelled the Maras to extend hospitality to unknown
strangers or travelers, to provide them food and shelter and with a lunch pack
for their continuing journey. McCall’s description of the practical exhibition
of this life principle displays much of its social implications:
Crops
of the sick would be tended by the strong; the chief’s lands would be weeded as
a mark of support, help would be given to rebuild houses accidentally burn
down, warriors would volunteer when their help was needed hunters would strive
to be energetic in the chase, and in general the good citizen was he who was
foremost in meeting calls that were really necessary for the good of the whole
village.
Apiepasaina
hro so
overwhelmingly pervaded the whole life of the Mara society and of individuals
in their private, social and religious enterprises that in certain contexts it
became synonymous with the generic term ‘Mara’. Thus when a man or a woman is
said to be un-Mara, it means that he or she is lacking apiepasaina hro and
there can hardly be any remark more insulting to the people concerned. However,
the author notices the uniqueness of the Mara apiepasaina hro not in its teaching but in the degree of its impact
on the Mara society. Apiepasaina hro is undoubtedly the inner core and
dominating life principle of the Mara people.
1.2.Mara
Traditional Festivals
Historically,
the Mara had two festivals Chapchar kut and Lyuva khutla. Owing
to the limitation of space, only the main points will be highlighted here.
Chapchar
kut or Lyuva khutla was
held every year in March or April after the jhum had been cut and dried.
This festival was celebrated to give thanks to God or Khazopa for His
protection from all kinds of injuries and for all the blessing he bestowed on
them during their engagement in the forest. It lasted for about 3 days or more
depending upon the villagers who could afford to celebrate. Every family was
expected to prepare rice beer to cover the whole festival. Young people were
not supposed to drink beer except on this occasion. On the first day of the
festival, the chief clan slaughtered the pig and followed by others of the
tribe on the following days. The young men and girls participated in various
dances and songs. Traditionally, the Maras were not allowed to have any
quarrels between husbands and wives during this festival. Therefore, chapchar
kut or Lyuva khutla was
the happiest time in the life of the Mara society. Even in today’s Mara
community, these festivals are being celebrated by them with the forms of
various performances like playing the traditional games, displaying different
dresses wore by different tribes from olden days to modern times, bamboo dance,
and many more. These festivals will be reinterpreted in the chapter four.
1.3.Mara
Traditional Dances and Songs
Dances
not only marked the socio-cultural, but also the religious life of the
traditional Mara society. They were performed only on certain occasions like lyuva
khutla, which was a religious custom and ceremony and festive days like chapchar
kut. It is also to be noted that beer drinking was traditionally and
culturally compulsory in singing and dancing. Dances were always accompanied by
lively music using instruments such as drum or gongs. But the Exclusive
missionaries prohibited participation in these functions because they perceived
them as pagan practices. This created cultural alienation in the Mara context.
Before
the coming of the British and the Christian missionaries, the Maras developed
various folk songs and communal dance. Like folk songs singing was a type of
singing and dancing having a particular tune and a way of singing that moved
the public to participate in the dance.
Later,
alongside folk songs singing,
certain types of singing and dancing called ‘thih la’, ‘awkhypa lâ’,
and ‘sawlakia’ which mean
communal singing and dancing became popular in the Mara society. The author
will substantiate how these elements gradually indigenized into Mara Christian
hymns and dance in the following chapter.
Conclusion
In
the Mara primal religion there was the concept of a Supreme Being (Khazohpa),
who was worshipped by the people by performing different social and religious
sacrificial ceremonies. However, due to the inclusion of drinking rice-beer in
their religious worship, the western missionaries without having proper and
critical assessment of the concepts and teachings of Mara religion, branded the
Mara traditional religion as heathenism. In addition, there were some animistic
practices in the Mara primal religion because they offered sacrifices to evil
spirits for healing from illness and sicknesses. The then missionaries failed
to understand that in the Mara primal religious practices, there was ‘atheihna or panana’ which means ‘worshipping God’ and propitiating evil
spirits. These two religious practices should clearly be differentiated if we
try to do theological hermeneutics in the Mara context.
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